김동현 일민국제관계연구원 방문학자
Last week, we heard key North Korean figure Kim Yo-jong reacting to Seoul's Foreign Minister Kang Kyung-wha's comments on the North's handling of COVID-19, as well as U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Stephen Biegun reflecting on the failure of U.S.-North negotiations on denuclearization.
On Dec. 9, Kim called Kang's remarks "reckless," accusing her of being "too eager to further chill the frozen relations between North and South Korea" and threatening, "We will never forget her words and she might have to pay dearly for it."
Kim's statement signals another setback for inter-Korean relations. What Kang said was neither baseless nor malicious, but it was gratuitously sarcastic, if not insensitive, at a time when President Moon Jae-in was pushing hard for the resumption of dialogue with the North.
On Nov. 5, Kang told a forum in Bahrain that the pandemic had "made North Korea more North Korea ― that is, more closed, very top-down decision-making process where there is very little debate on their measures in dealing with COVID-19." She added, "All signs are that the regime is very intensely focused on controlling the disease that they say they don't have, so it's a bit of an odd situation."
Also on Dec. 9, Biegun gave a talk at a think tank in Seoul, based on his experience as North Korea policy representative over two and a half years. He made some good points: (1) "diplomacy remains the best course, indeed the only course" to solving North Korean challenges; (2) he would share with an incoming Biden team "all of his experience and recommendations"; and (3) he encourages North Korea to set a path for the resumption of diplomacy.
According to the text of Biegun's speech, the transition to Biden's team was prefaced by "At least for now," an implicit reference to Trump and his allies' continuing attempts to overturn the presidential election results. It was two days prior to the U.S. Supreme Court's dismissal of the latest litigation brought up by Texas and Republican supporters.
On North Korea, Biegun admitted that he failed to "lay out a roadmap for action (a process of denuclearization) and to agree on where the roadmap ultimately leads."
Biegun complained that his counterparts were not empowered to discuss the nuclear issue, and "much opportunity has been squandered by our North Korean counterparts … who too often have devoted themselves to the search for obstacles to negotiations instead of seizing opportunities for engagement."
He also said, "We do not expect North Korea to do everything before we do anything." However, the Trump team has never offered any substantive reciprocal, simultaneous action ― on easing sanctions ― in return for the actions the North was asked to take. At the end, the Trump team too was responsible for squandering the opportunity.
Albeit still controversial, Trump's top-down approach is recognized as a bold initiative that produced a landmark Singapore agreement for improvement of bilateral relations, a peace regime and complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. The North has not given up on these agendas of the Trump-Kim agreement.
Pyongyang has blamed Trump's advisers ― John Bolton and Mike Pompeo ― for the failure of the second summit in Hanoi. It was hard for them to understand that Trump did not prevail over his subordinates' opposition. American democracy was the last thing that North Korea has ever envied, more so now from watching this year's election saga.
In January, Kim Jong-un will have two good occasions to extend an olive branch to Washington ― a New Year's address and a major speech at the Eighth Party Congress. For the sake of peace for all and a better living for the people of the North, Chairman Kim is encouraged to express his willingness to re-engage in diplomacy with South Korea and the United States.
On the other side in Washington, Biden's team has plenty of its own opportunity to reach out to Pyongyang to encourage it to forgo making the wrong decision for provocation. Confirmation hearings for high-level foreign policy positions are good opportunities to demonstrate a renewed interest in engaging North Korea, based on the Singapore agreement and with an expression of no hostile intent toward the North.
If Biden appoints a North Korea policy czar, as he appointed John Kerry for climate change, the nominee will have an opportunity to preview an engagement policy of the Biden administration. Biden's inaugural speech on Jan. 20 can also set a positive tone for the prospect of Biden's pledge on "principle diplomacy" with North Korea ― to settle the issues of peace, denuclearization and common prosperity.
[The Korea Times, 2020-12-14]
http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/opinion/2020/12/137_300831.html